China-chic design, as an emerging design concept that integrates traditional culture with modern aesthetics, has flourished in recent years. Among numerous successful cases, the cultural and creative products of the Palace Museum are particularly noteworthy. China-chic consumption has become a cultural consciousness and aesthetic pursuit of Chinese consumers in the new era, which is significant for grasping consumption trends, promoting the development of national brands, and inheriting and promoting excellent traditional culture. Existing research has discussed the China-chic consumption phenomenon, but there is a lack of systematic examination of how cultural identity influences China-chic brand loyalty in the context of China-chic design, the mediating role of perceived value, and the moderating effect of product involvement. This study takes the Palace Museum's cultural and creative products as an example to construct a multi-dimensional influence mechanism model including cultural identity, perceived value, brand loyalty, and product involvement. The results show that cultural identity influences brand loyalty through the mediating effect of perceived value, with the three dimensions of perceived value playing differentiated mediating effects. Product involvement has a negative moderating effect on the relationship between cultural identity and perceived value, but its impact on the path to brand loyalty is not significant. This finding enriches the research on the influence mechanism of China-chic consumption behavior, breaks through the traditional cognition of the moderating effect of involvement, and highlights the unique psychological mechanism of China-chic consumption, namely that cultural identity plays a more critical role in the formation of consumer attitudes and behaviors compared to product attributes. This study not only provides path guidance for the design and marketing practices of China-chic brands but also offers a new theoretical perspective for exploring the psychology of cultural product consumption and the inheritance and innovation of traditional culture.

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Village regulations and folk conventions are an important means through which villagers in Chinese administrative or natural villages exercise the right to self-governance granted by the Constitution. Article 27, Clause 2 of the the Organic Law of the Villagers Committees(2018 version) establishes two prohibitive legal rules: the “Non-Contradiction Rule” and the “Non-Infringement Rule” for the content of village regulations and folk conventions. Clause 3 further stipulates that village regulations and folk conventions violating these prohibitive rules should be rectified by the people's governments of townships, ethnic townships, and towns. These clauses constitute the substantive rules for reviewing village regulations and folk conventions. However, the absence of procedural rules makes it difficult for these substantive rules to effectively function through legal procedures. In practice, although the People's Courts have the authority to review the legality of the content of village regulations and folk conventions, it is not their statutory duty to review whether village regulations and folk conventions violate prohibitive rules. Consequently, the courts do not accept related civil disputes and administrative controversies. This not only undermines the efficacy of the village regulations and folk conventions formation mechanism but also impairs the constitutional implementation of villagers' self-governance. Therefore, this paper focuses on the practical issues and challenges of village regulations and folk conventions review in rural China, exploring the background, rationale, and construction of a dual-track review system for village regulations and folk conventions compliance. It argues for the necessity of establishing a more systematic village regulations and folk conventions legality review mechanism, incorporating both administrative and judicial reviews. More specifically, at the filing stage, the people's governments of counties (districts), townships, ethnic townships, and towns should conduct administrative reviews to annul, alter, or mandate the redrafting of village regulations and folk conventions that violate prohibitive rules. At the litigation stage, the People's Courts should conduct judicial reviews, disregarding village regulations and folk conventions content that violates prohibitive rules, and issue judicial recommendations to the relevant people's governments for lawful handling.

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This study refutes the diagnosis of previous studies that the proportion of women in the 20th Central Committee increased slightly compared to the previous session, halting the trend of strengthening male centrality in Chinese elite politics. In this study, through a qualitative approach to the central and local female political elites during Xi Jinping's 3rd term, focusing on the Central Committee, Politburo, and provincial party secretaries, we revealed that female political elites failed to enter Politburo, that the political level of the female members in 20th Central Committee has been lowered overall, and that there is not a single female elite appointed as provincial party secretary. Based on this, this study argues that despite a slight increase in the proportion of women in the 20th Central Committee, women's representation in elite politics during the 3rd term of Xi Jinping's administration was weakened not only in Hu Jintao period, but also in Xi Jinping's 1st and 2nd terms.

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This paper analyzes the discourse and major legislative amendments that surfaced and were emphasized during China’s Two Sessions in 2024, which were held in reflection of the performance of 2023, the first year of Xi Jinping's third term. Through the analyses, this paper aims to determine where China currently stands and where it is headed in terms of economic growth and innovation. It argues that the Chinese authorities' emphasis on the newly coined concept of "new productive forces (xinzhi shengchanli)" represents a shift from Schumpeter to Marx in the theoretical underpinnings of China's pursuit of innovative growth. Additionally, it suggests that recent amendments to the Corporate Law indicate that Party-led strengthening of vertical and unitary governance could extend to the enterprise level. The paper also points out that China’s new approach may exacerbate problems at the microeconomic level and highlights similarities between contemporary China and the United States of the 1930s, which suffered from a sluggish real estate sector and so-called regime uncertainty. Conversely, the structural environment surrounding China may foster potential for technological development and disruptive or frugal innovations. Building on these insights, the paper proposes policy implications for Korea to address competition and collaboration with China.

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The purpose of this study was to identify the cause of China's ghost urbanization phenomenon from the perspective of real estate supply. China's real estate development is mainly caused by excessive development and supply by local governments. Unlike previous studies conducted in terms of real estate demand, this study has a differentiation studied from the perspective of supply. Under the hypothesis that China's land supply and housing supply were excessive, this study verified this using data from the National Bureau of Statistics. The results of the study are as follows. First, among China's land development, arable land decreased significantly before the global financial crisis, but has since maintained a certain size without a significant decrease. The area of the fall has increased significantly since 2010, but has decreased in 2014. However, it has been on the rise again since 2018. The land purchase area of developing companies also increased in 2010 and decreased after 2014. And it has increased again since 2018. It can be seen that land development in China has increased significantly since 2010 and then slowed down, but has increased since 2018. Second, among China's housing development, the construction area of development companies increased significantly in 2010 and has been on the decline since 2014. And it has been on the rise since 2018. The size of the completion of development companies has been on the rise since 2011. Since then, it has been on a slight decline, but overall, it has been higher than before the global financial crisis. The monthly inventory of pre-sale houses has increased significantly since 2013 and has been on the decline since 2016.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and China in 1992, Korean economic research in Chinese academia has brought about great changes and developments both quantitatively and qualitatively. This paper analyzes how Korean economic research has been conducted in China over the 31 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and China in 1992 until 2023, using statistics from China's authoritative academic site CNKI. As a result, there is not much high-level research, and because it focuses on real-world application, most of the articles are in the form of reports or evaluations rather than theoretical or basic research. The areas of research are not diverse, and research on specific industries is lacking. It was found that the amount of research was small compared to large countries and neighboring countries. In addition, since many studies were motivated by realistic demands for China's economic development, the purpose was to gain implications, experiences, and lessons from them. In order to improve this situation, Chinese scholars must strengthen the depth of research by strengthening basic research in addition to applied research, while continuously exploring new tasks by increasing interest in Korea's emerging economic areas. In the case of Korea, various projects for the globalization and promotion of Korean studies and financial support from Korean policy institutions should be promoted to cross-disciplinary departments, sociology, and national research institutes in China. Exchanges between economists in Korea and China should be strengthened and various platforms should be established to conduct research. They need to help promote actual economic cooperation and exchange between the two countries.

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The principle of separation of the party and the government was emphasized by equal review and institutional maintenance was carried out in order to comply with the leadership principle of the Marxist-Leninist party and to suppress the occurrence of extreme political phenomena brought on by the emergence of the party to the front line. In both Korea and China, the fate of the state can vary depending on the role and function of the party, and the ruling party's policy establishment and implementation, and the philosophy of state administration can fundamentally change the direction and goal of the political community. In China, the Communist Party's leadership principle, which was established after the New China, is a process of changing its direction toward the revision of the constitution and solidifying its structure through the revision of subordinate legal norms. In addition, it has demonstrated through historical experience and political principles that the party administration is not a system suitable for China's national goal of building a social state. The core principle of the end of the Cultural Revolution, reform and opening up, and the re-establishment of the Chinese political system after the revision of the Constitution in 1982 was 'sharing roles through the separation of the party and the government' from 'full rule of the party'. As a result of the extreme left-wing ideological battle, the area of 'economic development' is separated from the area of 'political struggle' so that the administration can function independently. This National People's Congress can be seen as the disappearance of the political system and practices designed and promoted by Deng Xiaoping, and China's governing mechanism has returned to before the Cultural Revolution, which was Mao Zedong's absolute dictatorship.

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Since 1957, China has strategically employed panda to enhance its positive image and influence. At the same time, panda holds particular significance within high-level diplomacy in China. This study aims to delineate the processes and characteristics of China's panda diplomacy, evaluate its achievements and limitations, and deliberate on the requisites and methodologies for effective public diplomacy. There have been two instances where Korea engaged in panda diplomacy. In 1992, to commemorate the establishment of diplomatic relations between ROK and China, Korea leased pandas named Ming Ming and Li Li. And in 2014 once again, to mark the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping, leased Le Bao and Ai Bao from China. Later, the birth of a panda cub named Fu Bao in Korea, born to Le Bao and Ai Bao, garnered nationwide attention and affection. In 2024, discussions unfolded surrounding the return of Fu Bao to China in accordance with the agreement, revealing the underlying complexities of international politics, diplomatic negotiations, public diplomacy, and attempts to expand influence behind the facade of panda donations with their adorable image. While Korea is positioned to accommodate China's influence alongside pandas, it is imperative to leverage the disparity between the inherent constraints of panda diplomacy and the broader strategic landscape. Through this approach, Korea can manifest its commitment to assuming responsibility as a member of the international community by concurrently upholding international values and norms pertaining to animal protection and welfare while pursuing national interests.

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Since President Xi Jinping began his third consecutive term, there has been active discussion regarding the concentration of presidential power, yet there is a significant lack of research on changes in the authority of the State Council Premier. This situation makes it difficult to comprehensively assess changes in China's power structure. This study examines how Premier Li Keqiang's duties and official activities have evolved during Xi Jinping's tenure by collecting articles spanning his ten-year term and conducting text network analysis and topic modeling. Since 2016, Xi Jinping's leadership had formed a dominant topic affecting other duties of the Premier. These changes appear to be driven by changes in both domestic and international environments, with Xi Jinping seemingly seeking to enhance his power under crisis situations.

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